Benjamin Schultz-Figueroa
December 14, 2009
Political Media and Communication
War is Peace:
Framing in Obama’s Nobel Peace Prize Acceptance Speech
This paper sets out to illustrate how President Barack Obama utilizes the technique of framing in his Nobel acceptance speech by positioning non-violence and peace activism as justifications for his military policy, and positioning his military policy as a route to non-violent ideals. Using Gregory Bateson’s definition of the psychological frame, we will dissect President Obama’s speech into Bateson’s terms: message, premise, and frame. President Obama builds a protective frame around his military policy through the rhetoric of his speech, and in doing so places bloodshed, immorality, and evil outside this frame. Through this process he transforms his foreign policy from official military doctrine into a psychological ideal and manages to defend the concept of war while accepting the highest prize for the promotion of peace.
Obama’s speech employs a technique of defending his foreign policy that extends beyond the employment of facts and figures. Instead he draws a map of war and peace for the audience, creating a topography of concepts that shine favorably on his decisions as Commander and Chief. This technique is comparable to Gregory Bateson’s ideas concerning the psychological frame. Before addressing Obama’s speech let us begin by defining Bateson’s key concepts concerning the frame: for Bateson, the frame is a psychoanalytic concept whereby messages and actions are named and categorized. He defines “play, movie, interview, job, [and] language” as frames, elaborating that each of these frames are built to contain messages, and these messages can include actions, ideas, and objects (Bateson, 187). If we take the example of play, the messages that make up this frame could vary from specific toys, the set of rules in the game of tag, or the specific actions of a playmate. Each of these messages are connected through a set of premises. For example, the toy only exists in the frame of play if it is being played with, it might otherwise exist in the frame of chore if the child is cleaning up their room. The premise here exists as a set of logic, a toy is part of play if played with, and through these links of logic a frame is created. Frames are inclusive and exclusive, in that they include certain messages as part of the frame and exclude other messages outside of the frame. It is important to note that what is excluded is just as necessary as what is included for the creation of a frame. This creates a frame-outside-the-frame, containing messages of the same “logical type” that are inside the frame yet are excluded from it. If we again take the example of play, the frame is created here by obstructing a border between a playful chase and a real chase, two messages of the same type but separated by the border of the frame (Bateson, 189). Similarly Obama constructs a border between his decision to extend the war in Afghanistan and the evils of war in his Nobel Peace Prize acceptance speech.
Obama creates a specific frame for his military policy through the arrangement of messages and the creation of specific linking premises. The multiple messages, or talking points, in Obama’s Nobel acceptance speech vary in scope from broad and general to specific. We will begin with the two broadest messages, war and peace, and through the process of displaying how these ideas are premised upon each other we will delineate Obama’s other, more specific messages and premises. Obama begins with war, connecting its history with the history of humans themselves. For Obama:
“War, in one form or another, appeared with the first man. At the dawn of history, its morality was not questioned; it was simply a fact, like drought or disease – the manner in which tribes and then civilizations sought power and settled their differences” (2009).
Here we see that war takes on both the attributes of a natural phenomenon imposed upon humanity from the outside, “like drought or disease,” and the attributes of an essential part of human nature, unique to and appearing with the “first man”. Obama posits that war, no matter its form, is an inevitable occurrence. As both a natural, outside event, and a psychological, inner event, war carries with it the inevitability and uncontrollability of both the seasons and the human unconscious. Outside of the frames of the natural and the psychological, war exists in a spiritual realm, reenacting the battle between good and evil. As Obama states,
For make no mistake: evil does exist in the world. A non-violent movement could not have halted Hitler’s armies. Negotiations cannot convince al Qaeda’s leaders to lay down their arms. To say that force is sometimes necessary is not a call to cynicism – it is a recognition of history; the imperfections of man and the limits of reason (2009).
Represented in the examples of Hitler and al Qaeda, the presence of evil is as sure as any natural phenomenon, and it demands that wars continue to be fought.
Obama continues his history of war, showing how key figures, “philosophers, clerics, and statesmen,” attempted to dampen the primal urges of humans and control these unstoppable forces of conflict; he describes the fruit of these efforts as the “just war”. The border between war and the “just war” is essential for the development of Obama’s framing. The just war is fought in a regulated fashion. As Obama states, war is just “if it is waged as a last resort or in self-defense; if the forced used is proportional, and if, whenever possible, civilians are spared from violence” (2009). According to Obama, the messages that make up the frame of the just war lie in the United Nations, the Cold War, the United State’s promotion of “peace and prosperity from Germany to Korea” and enabling “democracy to take hold in places like the Balkans,” and Obama’s escalation of troops in Afghanistan and sanctions on Iran. The just war is waged under the precepts of “enlightened self-interest” (Obama, 2009)[1]. The just war has perhaps more in common with peace than it does with war since it seeks to bring about peace and end war. For Obama “the instruments of war do have a role to play in preserving the peace,” and those who fight in the just war are honored not as “makers of war,” but as “wagers of peace” (2009). The just war of rules and regulations is aligned with peace, morality and liberty and positioned against unadulterated war, represented by terrorism and holy wars.
If in this frame war is aligned with peace, where do we place what is traditionally thought of as peace, including the non-violence movement and neutral nations? Obama introduces the subject of peace by affirming its importance and moral strength. He acknowledges the basic precepts of the non-violence movement, quoting Dr. King “violence never brings a permanent peace,” and places himself within its lineage by claiming that “as someone who stands here as a direct consequence of Dr. King’s life’s work, I am living testimony to the moral force of non-violence” (Obama, 2009). However once the virtues of peace have been extolled we quickly move on to the ideology’s limitations. After establishing his origins in the non-violence movement Obama sets out to prove that the tactics of its leaders cannot help him in his current position, stating,
As a head of state sworn to protect and defend my nation, I cannot be guided by their examples alone. I face the world as it is, and cannot stand idle in the face of threats to the American people (Obama, 2009).
This position is an interesting reversal of what has come before. While moments earlier he confirmed the strengths and utility of the peace movement, remarking, “I know there is nothing weak – nothing passive – nothing naïve – in the creed and lives of Gandhi and King,” he then invalidates these very characteristics (Obama, 2009). How is peace not weak if it fails to protect and defend us, and how can it be anything but naïve if it cannot “face the world as it is”?
As Obama draws a border between the chaos and immorality of war, and the moral imperative of the just war, he also draws a border between the ineffective and unrealistic peace, and the embattled just peace. He states that we must,
think in new ways about the notions of just war and the imperatives of a just peace. We must begin by acknowledging the hard truth that we will not eradicate violent conflict in our lifetimes. There will be times when nations – acting individually or in concert – will find the use of force not only necessary but morally justified (Obama, 2009).
Just peace is founded on the assumption of the inevitability of war and can be found even in the midst of, or as a result of war. For Obama, peace is not enough to combat the evils of this world and so, despite Dr. King’s words, peace must at times resort to violence. The just peace is arrived at not through the growth of non-violence but through the dampening of war by any means necessary, including war itself.
In this speech, Obama uses the messages of a just war and a just peace to create a frame distanced from traditional war and peace. Obama creates a feedback loop in which war can lead to peace and peace can lead to war, building the frame of the just war and the just peace and premising the two concepts upon each other. This insolated circle of logic effectively protects his lofty goal of “a just peace [that] includes not only civil and political rights” but also “economic security and opportunity,” through the exclusion of the realities of war, which he attributes to other, less just, wars (Obama, 2009). It is during the wars in the frame outside of the frame where “many more civilians are killed than soldiers; the seeds of future conflict are sewn, economies are wrecked, civil societies torn asunder, refugees amassed, and children scarred” (Obama, 2009). Obama raises the arguments of both war and peace in order to displace them both, thereby positioning his frame of just war and just peace out of their reach. Roland Barthes termed this technique “Neither-Nor criticism,” in which two sides are raised but neither is advocated. Obama ends his speech with this sentiment:
We can acknowledge that oppression will always be with us, and still strive for justice. We can admit the intractability of depravation, and still strive for dignity. We can understand that there will be war, and still strive for peace (2009).
In response to which, we can apply Barthes’ analysis of Neither-Nor criticism:
Needless to say, this fine morality of the Third Party unavoidably leads to new dichotomy, quite as simplistic as that which one wanted to expose in the very name of complexity. True, our world may well be subjected to a law of alterations; but you can be sure that it is a schism without Tribunal; no salvation for the judges: they also are well and truly committed (82).
In his Nobel Prize acceptance speech, Obama builds a frame around his military actions, by establishing and then distancing himself from the dichotomy of war and peace, thereby positioning himself as impervious to judgment.
Work Cited
Barthes, Roland. Mythologies. Trans. Annette Lavers. New York: Hill and Wang, 1972.
Gregory Bateson. “A Theory of Play and Fantasy.” Steps to an Ecology of Mind, 2nd edition. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, pp. 177-193.
Obama, Barack. “Remarks to the Nobel Committee.” Oslo City Hall. 10 December 2009.
[1] Obama’s word choice here is worth noting considering the history of wars fought under the precept of Western Enlightenment ideals.



